Sugar Sand Opportunity: Landscape and People of the Pine Barrens

by Mark Demitroff

Reproduced in the Vernacular Architecture Newsletter courtesy of NJ VAF 2014

The New Jersey Pinelands is a remarkable urban wilderness, a setting so valued it became a UNESCO International Biosphere Reserve in 1988. This vast tract of pine/oak woodland and cedar wetlands is bounded by exurban sprawl from New York City, Philadelphia, and the Jersey Shore, yet it has in many ways remained in a natural state. The environmental elements preserved within have been long lauded by scientists[i] but the cultural ecology has remained much more of a mystery. People adapted to this droughty, infertile barren land, developing various industries and agricultural pursuits, evolving a keen sense of place along the way. Archives are replete with historical, social, and even economic studies, yet few integrate the physical and manmade landscape of this place.[ii]

Map delineating the full extent of NJ Pine Barrens according to 

vegetation, adapted from McCormick and Andresen (1963). 

Reproduced with permission from the New Jersey Audubon Society.

To a casual outsider, this region will appear to be a monotonous lowland of quartz sand and gravel, the detritus of eons of mountain building and destruction. Shallow wetlands and watercourses cover a third of the land, dissecting ancient sediments carried into place over several million years by countless rivers now long gone. The ground ever so slowly weathered away. Ice age conditions were fiercely cold and dry; the vegetation sparse. Wind and snowmelt also etched the land, which wasted into muted badlands. The massive Laurentide Ice Sheet episodically flirted with the Pinelands border but never reached it. South Jersey is the only ice-marginal coastal plain in North America. The effects of global climate change have left a distinctive mark, allowing us to link the landscape to the region’s cultural and environmental dynamics.[iii]

The first inhabitants were Paleo-Indians who widely traveled during ephemeral foraging events that were mostly based on hunting. Later aboriginal cultures (Early to Middle Archaic) were more diverse in their economies, reusing sites with greater frequency and for longer periods of time during seasonal rounds. These cultures extensively used cold climate landforms like dunes, blowouts (closed basins or “spungs”), springs (“blue holes,” “boiling springs”), and braided paleochannels (“savannahs”) across New Jersey’s Outer Coastal Plain.[iv] Activity waned as later pre-contact cultures moved away from Pine Barrens exploitation and made settlement along the bay and ocean shores to subsist on fish, shellfish, game, and acorns. There is little evidence of widespread agriculture here during the Woodland period.[v]

 

Photo of sedge-filled savannah habitat within a long narrow spung 

at the Lochs of the Swamp near the Weymouth Furnace ore 

grounds. This feature was generated by strong winds flowing 

off the immense Laurentide Ice Sheet that terminated 

near New York City. This is deflated 

ground – a blowout – that is bounded by dunes.

Photo of the ancient Long-a-Coming Trail that follows an ice age dune

crest. Wind-transported sand provided elevated fill allowing dry 

passage across broad expanse of wetlands.

Cold climate landforms were also exploited by post-contact settlers. Early Europeans used Indian paths that linked together ice age features in a geographic tapestry of interactions between society and nature. Trails like the Tuckahoe, the Long-A-Coming, and the Shamong went from water source to water source, following dune crests to cross wetland depressions. Intersections were often aligned with the southeast rims of “spungs,” which became important watering holes for horses, oxen, and cattle. As with aboriginal cultures, Pinelands ponds became focal points for pioneering camps. Taverns were often sited at these focal points of historic travel for convenience, which became the loci of early settlement (plantations, forest stations).[vi]

Several types of rocks are native to southern New Jersey, and a number of exotic stones and large boulders were scattered across the Pine Barrens, ether transported by strong currents or by river ice of the ancient Hudson River during the Miocene:[vii]

Ironstone:  an iron rich sedimentary rock. In southern New Jersey, ironstone is associated with cementation of sands and gravels at a water table. It is by far the most important building stone in the Pine Barrens.[viii]  

Silcrete:  a silica-hardened stone derived from sandy soil (i.e., a duricrust). This very hard rock is locally abundant at higher elevations of the Inner Coastal Plain[ix] and fields of highly weathered silcrete remain scattered across parts of the Pine Barrens. It was used in the foundations of various early Colonial structures across South Jersey. It is also known as “cuesta quartzite”, and as “sarsen stone” in Europe (e.g., Stonehenge). In America it is known as a “pudding stone” if pebbly. 

Cohansey Quartzite:  a less hard variant of the above sandstone containing seashells within its matrix. It is abundant in Cumberland and Salem counties. Like silcrete, it was put to use for tool making by aboriginals.[x]

Ferricrete:  an iron oxide-hardened sandstone that formed in soil. Like silcrete above, ferricrete is a duricrust. It is believed to have formed under hot semiarid conditions millions of years ago.[xi] Ferricrete is scarce, but can be seen at PAWS animal refuge in Mt. Laurel side-by-side with silcrete and ironstone.

Pinelands soils were too poor for traditional farming, hence early on they were considered “barren” for their inability to bear crops.[xii] An exception was cattle raising. Sedge and grass provided fodder, which occurred in abundance in Pinelands wetland savannah. Often associated with Africa, the word is of native Caribbean origin, used to describe the treeless marshy plains of the American tropics. Spaniards exploited brackish meadow (coastal savannah) for cattle production (hence Savannah, GA); here early settlers used freshwater meadow (inland savannah).[xiii] Once more common, less than 900 acres of this critical habitat remain in the Pinelands National Reserve.[xiv]

Early farmers avoided the white sands of the Pine Belt, an area described by some as a “great sandy desert”. Instead they tilled the heavier loess enriched (ice age dust) Inner Coastal Plain soils to the west,[xv] or the organics-rich coastal margins to the south and east that could be banked for farming.[xvi] The Pine region was left to forest production. Growing cities like Philadelphia and New York created great demand for timber products. Swedish, English, and Dutch sawyers built water-powered mills, and quickly cut available wood up-gradient along every watershed until all good lumber was exhausted before the Revolutionary War.[xvii]

Pinelands streams are bordered by very broad floodplains: braided channel terraces created by snowmelt floods over frozen ground.[xviii] Atlantic white-cedar proliferated there and was highly coveted for cladding. For example, white-cedar was unparalleled as a roofing material. White cedar was relatively cheap and durable. Light in weight, it didn’t require heavy timbering. It was easily wetted in case of fire, making it flame retardant. In 1749 Swedish botanist Peter Kalm worried that the species would soon be exhausted due to over-harvesting. After cutting, a new stand of white cedar required 70 years to become again a harvestable commodity, creating availability gaps.[xix] The curious labor-intensive practice of cedar “mining,” extracting trees long buried in river mud or swamp, began to fill supply shortfalls.[xx]

Pine Barrens soils are composed of wind-blown sheet and dune sand. Pines and oaks are exquisitely adapted to dry loose acid soils. Their abundance was quickly put to use for carbon store extraction. Before fossil fuels, forests were used as coal mines and oil wells. Resin-rich pines were tapped for naval stores – products like turpentine, tar, and rosin, making them the early equivalent of oil wells. Pines and oaks were carbonized by colliers in charcoal pits, yielding the early equivalent of coal mines.[xxi]

Naval stores were indispensable supplies for boat and shipbuilding. Dozens of boat- and shipyards operated along tidewater rivers throughout South Jersey. “Tar-kilners” would cut down pines, then let them rot. Once decayed, workers were able to chop out knots to set in clay-lined dishes along with extracted roots. These resin-rich tree parts (“fat wood”) were slowly heated to extract resin through destructive distillation.[xxii] The resin melted into gutters and collected in 5-gallon barrels, which were then barged down creeks to boatyards for refinement. Tar kilns were often located at stream heads along small valleys[xxiii] called “cripples.” (from the Dutch term “kreupelbos:” thicket or underwood), that grow in small wetland corridors that are dry valleys under ordinary conditions but carry water when frozen ground conditions prevail.[xxiv]

Charcoal became paramount with the arrival of iron furnaces and forges. Traditionally used in iron making, charcoal was the only available fuel capable of reaching temperatures needed to smelt the native bog iron (2,000–3,000º F). There were no fewer than 34 forges and furnaces operating in 19th-century South Jersey, so the demand for this product was high. A minimum of 20,000 acres of timberland was needed to keep a furnace in blast.[xxv] Weymouth Furnace (one of the largest) in Atlantic County had nearly 100,000 acres of associated lands dedicated to coal production – most but not all destined for the furnace.[xxvi]

Pinelands tracts were mostly held by wealthy outside speculators – many related through marriage.[xxvii] Weymouth Furnace’s owner, Philadelphia based Stephan Colwell, was an economist and iron merchant. Hundreds of workers are said to have been in employment here, yet only about forty who lived in Weymouth village are accounted for in the furnace records.[xxviii] They were a large itinerant labor force (lumbermen, colliers, teamsters, ore-raisers) who closely interacted with the local landscape and remain the focus of this paper. For a socioeconomic history of the industrial Pinelands and its hearthmen, bankmen, moulders, blacksmiths, see the work of 20^th century historians of New Jersey industry, Charles S. Boyer[xxix] and Arthur D. Pierce.[xxx]

An average furnace cleared about a thousand acres of wood per year. Tree harvests were rotated so that woodcutters could return every 15 to 20 years to the same parcel for re-harvest.[xxxi] This meant that worker camps were ephemeral features. In the case of coaling grounds, accommodations were simple as described in this early account:

“These cabins were of the most primitive structure imaginable, and contained only room devoid of comfort, there being no furniture except a rude bunk made of roughly hewn timber and benches and table of the same rude construction. The wants of these people were few. When their week’s wages were paid, they went to Millville, Malaga, Bridgton, whichever town was nearest. They returned with a week’s supply of cornmeal, whiskey, tobacco and pork.”[xxxii]

The Pinelands term for a little hollow-square charcoal cabin is a “cubby.”[xxxiii] This author grew up on a Pinelands farm and heard “cave” used for cellar holes beneath charcoal cabins. He was told by old-timers that when cutting wood was exhausted in one place, a new camp was established. The first thing a coaler would do was dig a square pit or cave. A portable hut was then transported from the prior pit site and placed upon the freshly excavated cavity. This hole (12-feet by 12-feet) served two purposes: 1) it acted like a root cellar to keep provisions cool; and 2) it provided a place of refuge if a wildfire burned over. Others lived in square-logged cabins.

Bog ore formation is in large part a biological process. Primitive iron oxidizing bacteria like Thiobacillus ferrooxidans, Leptothrix ochracea, Crenothrix polyspora, Gallionella ferruginea, and Siderococcus geminate are responsible for ore flocculation.[xxxiv] Also called “meadow ore,” it was mined in savannah habitat (ice age paleochannels) where there are minimal numbers of tree roots to remove during ore exploitation.[xxxv] Ore was shipped in from areas outside the Pine Barrens from places as far away as Delaware, New York, and Connecticut. It was ultimately a shortage of charcoal, not ore, that many consider the critical factor to cause the demise of south Jersey’s bog iron industry.[xxxvi]

Phantom bloomeries and forges operated in the Pines to dodge taxes and tariffs. These were primitive affairs, hidden deep. Because shipyards needed wood, naval stores, and iron for their trade, very many were believed to operate bloomeries. Some industrious settlers went into their backyards and home-brewed iron bits and pieces for personal consumption. The process was as simple as taking a hollow black gum stump, lining it with clay, and building a small stone refractory at its base.[xxxvii]

The same biological agents that helped form bog iron turned water in streams a brownish color, but it was not dirty; rather it was cleaner than most water. Chemotrophic bacteria (those that obtain energy through chemical oxidation) catalyze iron and organic material turning waters dark. The hotter the weather, the darker the streams become. In the winter, when biological activity ebbs, branches run clear.[xxxviii] It is speculated that this combined chemical-biological activity purifies the water to an exceptional degree. Sea captains were keen to collect barrels of tea-colored water for long voyages, since it never went stale. This “cedar water,” or “sweetwater,” was collected; it tasted silky, and was almost sweet in flavor.[xxxix]

Map of planned railroad-related development showing rail lines (in dashed red),

 planned town centers (in white), and their encompassing farm belts laid out 

in rectilinear grids (in green bounded by black outline). Vineland was wildly 

successful and provided the template for others to copy in agricultural land 

schemes. Note the lack of development planning along the strand 

(excepting Atlantic City). Modified from Hopkins (1873: 23).

In 1854 the Camden and Atlantic Railroad (Camden to Atlantic City) began service, the first railroad to cross the Pinelands. With its appearance came major changes to cultural landscape.[xl] The iron industry was failing, unable to compete with competitors, particularly in Pennsylvania, who had advanced to fossil coal and mined ores.[xli]  Demand for charcoal waned but did not disappear. Smaller markets for charcoal remained for domestic consumption, gunpowder production, medical purposes, and for certain processes carried out by the U.S. Mint in Philadelphia.[xlii] Local charcoal was highly prized by moonshiners through the 1930s, since it left little telltale smoke or odor to alert revenuers that a batch of poison was in distillation.

Coeval with charcoal’s fall in the 1850s came the rise in demand for cordwood. Early steam boilers ran on cordwood, causing a sudden jump in the value of pine land. Carloads of fuel wood were shipped out by way of rail by locomotives powered by the very same fuel. Huge tracts of land were deforested, which prepared the ground for the next phase of Pinelands exploitation – the burgeoning of agricultural land schemes.[xliii] Without furnaces and forges, large tracts of land were no longer needed for charcoal production. Outside owners now speculated in land development schemes.[xliv]

Railroads made it easy to bring in guano or marl to amend otherwise poor soils. New Jersey marl was not actually a fertilizer but rather a soil conditioner mined in Inner Coastal Plain locations bearing its name, like Marlboro and Marlton.[xlv] Applied in tons per acre, its claylike pellets acted like a sponge to hold nutrients and moisture in sandy sediments.[xlvi] Railroads likewise provided quick transport of farm commodities to urban markets, an important consideration in the days before artificial refrigeration.

Land promoters met with some difficulty in selling farm plots in coastal New Jersey at time of US westward expansion with prime agricultural land available at little to no cost.[xlvii] Their hook was to promote planned centers of place surrounded by supporting agricultural lands. Buy a twenty-acre farm in the agricultural lands and your family was given a building lot in town. It was an agrarian utopia; “come earnest homeseekers,”  be your own boss, and live amongst health-giving pines.” Big cities were only an hour away by modern rolling stock.[xlviii]

While these land schemes were at first pitched to people from England and New England, ultimately more favor was found in advancing these settlements along ethnic lines to the throngs of new immigrants. A curious settlement pattern developed in response to Pinelands topography, which Libby Marsh dubbed the “ethnic archipelago.”[xlix] Discrete topographic rises, surrounded by wetlands, became islands of colonization for Germans, Italians, Jews, and other ethnic groups (Welsh, Russian, Ukrainian, Cossack, Kalmyk, Gypsy). In essence they were like city neighborhoods, only pastoral.[l]

First to seek opportunity here were the Germans, beginning at the time of the 1848 Revolution. At the time, Berlin was at the apex of the industrial revolution, so emigrants from Germany were often highly valued workers in this state.[li] The Richards family, who largely controlled the local furnace empire, was sympathetic to these newcomers. The earliest immigrant German settlers were predominantly Prussian,[lii] a region within Europe’s great sand belt associated with the Fennoscandian Ice Sheet.[liii] Their homeland shared the Pinelands ice marginal landscape heritage, and they brought with them skill-sets that enabled them to farm sandy terrain.

The next newcomers were the Italians. Their arrival is a story of climate change and war economics. Vineland’s success was in part due to high value farm commodities during the Civil War. Before 1861 the local population was estimated to be about 50, but it swelled to 5,500 by 1865. When the War ended the price for farm goods plummeted as production recovered in other areas. Local farmers started to abandon their lands. Vineland’s founder Charles K. Landis constructed a new railroad line in hopes of economic stimulation.[liv] The “Coolie” labor of the time were northern Italians, who emigrated after a series of social disruptions starting with a potato blight and culminating with massive floods wiping out whole villages back home.[lv] They saw great potential in the exodus of “Yankee” farmers from Vineland. Italians ate little meat, and intensively cultivated fruits and vegetables. A farm lot that once supported a single family under Northern European practices could now support three or four families with Southern European practices.[lvi]

Another interesting component of the ethnic archipelago involved Eastern European Jews. Before the modern state of Israel was born, to many of the Jewish faith the New Jersey Pine Barrens was to become the Promised Land. By the spring of 1883, two years after Tsar Alexander II was assassinated in Imperial Russia, the agricultural colonies of Alliance and Burbridge Village were founded for the benefit of pogrom refugees.[lvii] There were twice as many Jewish settlements in New Jersey within than outside the Pines (seventeen vs. eight respectively).[lviii]

Pinelands colonies were started as extensions to the New York and Philadelphia rag or “shmatte” trade. Villages were strung along newly erected railroad lines crossing the wilds of Cape May, Atlantic, Cumberland and Gloucester Counties. These were driven by railroad-related land speculation. For the colonists’ added benefit rug mills, button factories, and clothing shops were erected to supplement anticipated income from agricultural-land pursuits.[lix] They spoke Russian and Yiddish. Through their knowledge of Russian soil science and German geology, they were convinced they too could make the Pine Barrens desert-like landscape bloom. Adherents went on to make great contributions in soil science, microbiology, and poultry husbandry.[lx]

An early promotional brochure touted the Pinelands as being “particularly well adapted for the business of poultry raising, to which in recent years a great deal of attention is being given in this part of the State, and with very profitable results.”[lxi] By the mid-20th century, South Jersey became the egg capital of the world. Several factors account  for the industry’s local dominance.[lxii] First, the sandy and nutrient-poor soils were less likely to harbor poultry diseases that cause problems in heavier soils across the State. Second, railroad-era lots were smaller parcels, better suited to intensive agricultural practices like poultry farming. Third, chickens provided a valuable year-round domestic food source during intermittent economic lean periods commonplace in the Pine Barrens.[lxiii] By the 1970s, the entire industry moved to the Delmarva Peninsula and beyond. With the appearance of modern antibiotics, chickens no longer required range land, but now could now be caged. Down South, producers benefited from lower heating costs, cheaper grain, and an infusion of modern infrastructure. Hardly a chicken farm is left in the Pine Barrens, although coops, mills, and other architectural relics of the industry abound in various states of repair.

 

Block diagram showing schematic relationship between surficial materials and 

South Jersey landforms. High flat areas are known as "relict plateaus" that were 

surrounded by marshy lowlands, making them “islands” of ethnic settlement 

or “ethnic archipelagos. From Newell et. al. (2000: Figure 4).

The Pine Barrens even has its own terroir, a special combination of ground characteristics, climate, and cultural techniques.[lxiv] Soils can be very old, possessing memory of rigorous freezing and thawing. Silicates like quartz and feldspar share distinctive characteristics with those found in Northern Russia today.[lxv] It is suggested that this unusual ice age inheritance imparts special qualities to the local ground that provides a distinct sense of place to some of the region’s agricultural products like its delicious Outer Coastal Plain Vineyard Association wine and famed “Jersey” tomatoes. Cranberries and blueberries are exquisitely adapted to the acid sands of local wetlands and lowlands. Vineyards, once commonplace until Prohibition, are returning, to good accolades as a sustainable crop for the uplands. The excellent quality and quantity of produce raised in South Jersey is impressive, including specialties like eggplant and dandelion.[lxvi] The Vineland Produce Auction is the premier auction block on the East Coast, supplying produce to wholesalers from April to December.

Development pressures are extreme in New Jersey. Valued landscapes usually go to the highest bidder, and the fate of our cultural heritage is all too often decided by economic rather than preservation concerns. Our traditional ways and the structures that commemorated them are quickly fading away. Problems compound as the Pinelands Commission’s planning power decentralizes and shifts to facilitate local entrepreneurial interests.[lxvii] The Comprehensive Management Plan, the ruling document for the Pinelands National Reserve, contains robust language about cultural protection, but its protections are often waived. There is less and less enforcement of Pinelands cultural rules and few ways to punish those who choose to violate them. Currently the Commission’s heritage specialist, a Cultural Resource Planner, is budgeted to work one-half day per week to protect the cultural legacy of this 1.1 million acre biosphere with a permanent population of 700,000 residents. If current trends continue, we will lose much of the cultural landscape that has made this place special.

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[i] Forman, R.T.T. (ed.), 1979: Pine Barrens: Ecosystem and Landscape. New York: Academic Press. 601 pp.

[ii] Bassett, T.J., and Zimmerer, K.S., 2003: Cultural ecology. In Gaile, G.L., and Willmott, C.J. (eds.). Geography in America at the Dawn of the 21st Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 97–112.

[iii] Demitroff, M., 2007: Pine Barrens Wetlands: Geographical Reflections of South Jersey’s Periglacial Legacy. MS thesis, University of Delaware, Newark, DE, 244 pp; French, H.M., and Demitroff, M., 2001: Cold-climate origin of the enclosed depressions and wetlands  ('spungs') of the Pine Barrens, southern New Jersey, USA. Permafrost and Periglacial Processes. 12: 337–350; and French, H.M., Demitroff, M., Forman, S.L., and Newell, W.L., 2007: A Chronology of Late-Pleistocene permafrost events in southern New Jersey, eastern USA. Permafrost and Periglacial Processes. 18: 49–59.

[iv] Demitroff, 2007, op. cit.; and Cresson, J.A., Mounier, A., Bonfiglio, A., and Demitroff, M., 2006: Periglacial landforms of southern New Jersey: sites, trails and ancient cultural links. In Hellström, R., and Frankenstein, S. (eds.). Program and Abstracts, 63^rd Eastern Snow Conference, University of Delaware, Held Jointly with the Cryosphere Specialty Group of the Association of American Geographers, 7–9 June 2006, p. 72.

[v] Bierbrauer, S.H., Regensberg, R., and Hartwick, C., 2014: New data on Late Woodland faunal remains and diet at an estuarine site, Kimble’s Beach, Cape May County, NJ. Session 11:  Prehistory in the Lower Delaware Valley: New Investigations and Interpretations. 44^st Annual Middle Atlantic Archaeological Conference, March 13–17, 2011, Sheraton Bucks County Hotel, Langhorne, PA.

[vi] Demitroff, 2007, op. cit.; and Demitroff, M,, and Nelson, F.E., 2009: The periglacial legacy of the New Jersey Pine Barrens, USA: climate history and geomorphic heritage as a land-use management tool. (Abstract & Poster). Tough Choices – Land Use Under a Changing Climate, Report on the German-US Conference. Berlin, October 2^nd and 3^rd 2008 and Opportunities for Joint German-US Research Activities in the Field of Land-Use and on Global Change. Kiel, GER: German National Committee on Global Change Research (NKGCF), p. 18.

[vii] Newell, W.L., Powars, D.S., Owens, J.P., Stanford, S.D., and Stone, B.D., 2000: Surficial Geologic Map of Central and Southern New Jersey. United States Geological Survey, Miscellaneous Investigations Series, Map 1–2540–D, Washington, DC; and French, H.M., and Demitroff, M., 2003: Late-Pleistocene periglacial phenomena in the Pine Barrens of southern New Jersey: GANJ Field Excursion Guide, October 11, 2003. In Hozik, M.J., and Mihalasky, M.J. (eds.). Field Guide and Proceedings, 20^th Annual Meeting of the Geological Association of New Jersey, October 10–11, 2003. Trenton, NJ: Geological Society of New Jersey, pp. 117–142.

[viii] Lewis, J.V., 1909: Building stones of New Jersey. Annual Report of the State Geologist for the Year 1908: Report on Forests. Trenton, NJ: MacCrellish & Quigley. pp. 53–124.

[ix] Mounier, R.A., 2008. The Aboriginal Exploitation of Cuesta Quartzite in Southern New Jersey. PhD dissertation, Memorial University, St. John’s, NFL., 435 pp; and Wyckoff, J.S., and Newell, W.L., 1992: Silcrete near Woodstown, New Jersey. In Gohn, G.S., (ed.), Proceedings of the 1988 U.S. Geological Survey Workshop on the Geology and Geohydrology of the Atlantic Coastal Plain. United States Geological Survey, Circular 1059, Washington, DC, pp. 39–51.

[x] Friedman M. 1954. Miocene orthoquartzite from New Jersey. Journal of Sedimentary Petrology. 24, 4: 235–241.

[xi] Goudie, A., 1973: Duricrusts in Tropical and Subtropical Landscapes. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. 174 pp.

[xii] Tedrow, J.C.F., 1986: Soils of New Jersey. Malabar, FL: Robert E. Krieger. 480 pp.

[xiii] Demitroff, 2007, op. cit.

[xiv] Smith, D.C., 2012: Succession Dynamics of Pine Barrens Riverside Savannas: A Landscape-Survey Approach. MS thesis, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ, 69 pp.

[xv] Newell, et.al., 2000, op. cit.

[xvi] Sebold, K.R., 1992: From Marsh to Farm: the Landscape Transformation of Coastal New Jersey. National Park Service: Washington, DC. 95 pp.

[xvii] Harshberger, J.W., 1916: The Vegetation of the New Jersey Pine Barrens: An Ecological Investigation. Philadelphia, PA: Christopher Sower. 329 pp; and Wacker, P.O., 1979: Human exploitation of the New Jersey Pine Barrens before 1900. In Forman, R.T.T. (ed.), Pine Barrens: Ecosystem and Landscape. New York: Academic Press. pp. 3–23.

[xviii] Demitroff, 2007, op. cit.; and French, H.M., and Demitroff, M., 2012: Late-Pleistocene paleohydrology, eolian activity and frozen ground, New Jersey Pine Barrens, eastern USA. Netherlands Journal of Geosciences. 91, 1/2: 25–35.

[xix] Wilson, H.F., 1953: The Jersey Shore: A Social and Economic History of the Counties of Atlantic, Cape May, Monmouth and Ocean (2 vols.). New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co. 1055 pp. A third but separate volume contains family and personal history. See also Little, S. Jr., 1950: Ecology and Silviculture of Whitecedar and Associated Hardwoods in Southern New Jersey. Bulletin No, 56, School of Forestry, Yale University,  New Haven, CT. 103 pp.

[xx] Weiss, H.B., and Weiss, G.M., 1965: Some Early Industries of New Jersey. Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Agricultural Society. 70 pp.

[xxi] Harshberger, 1916, op cit.; and Weiss, and Weiss, 1965, op. cit.

[xxii] Harshberger, 1916, op. cit.; and Weiss, and Weiss, 1965, op. cit.

[xxiii] Sim, R.J., and Weiss, H.B., 1955: Charcoal-Burning in New Jersey from Early Times to the Present. Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Agricultural Society. 62 pp.

[xxiv] Demitroff, 2007, op. cit.

[xxv] Braddock-Rogers, K., 1930: The bog ore industry in South Jersey prior to 1845. Journal of Chemical Education. 7, 7: 1493–1519; Moore, H., 1943: An Old Jersey Furnace: A Study. Baltimore, MD: Newth-Morris Publishing, 15 pp; and Starkey, J., 1962: The bog ore and bog iron industry of South Jersey. The Bulletin New Jersey Academy of Science 7, 1: 5–8.

[xxvi] Johnson, R.F., 2001: Weymouth New Jersey: A History of the Furnace, Forge, and Paper Mills. Kearney, NE: Morris Publishing. 137 pp.

[xxvii] Wilson, 1953, op cit.; and Jones, C.W., c.1888: Richland New Jersey: 20,000 Acres of Farming Land, also Farm Lots. Richland, NJ: Richland Improvement Co. 16 pp.

[xxviii] Johnson, 2001, op. cit.

[xxix] Boyer, C.S., 1931: Early Forges & Furnaces in New Jersey. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 287 pp.

[xxx] Pierce, A.D., 1957: Iron in the Pines: The Story of New Jersey’s Ghost Towns and Bog Iron. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 244 pp.

[xxxi] Starkey, 1962, op. cit.

[xxxii] Hutchings, M.C., 1907: Historical sketches of Buena, by the editor, Chapter IV. Valley Ventura, October 5.

[xxxiii] Lee, F.B., 1896: Jerseyisms. Dialect Notes. 1: 327–337.

[xxxiv] Means, J.L., Yuretich, R.F., Crerar, D.A., Kinsman, D.J.J, and Borcsik, M.P., 1981: Hydrogeochemistry of the New Jersey Pine Barrens. Bulletin 76, New Jersey Geological Survey. 107 pp.

[xxxv] Demitroff, 2007, op. cit.

[xxxvi] Braddock-Rogers, 1930, op cit.; and Starkey, 1962, op. cit.

[xxxvii] Braddock-Rogers, 1930, op. cit.

[xxxviii] Means, et al., 1981, op. cit.

[xxxix] Harshberger, 1916, op. cit.

[xl] Wilson, 1953, op. cit.

[xli] Starkey, 1962, op. cit.

[xlii] Wilson, 1953, op. cit.; and Sim, and Weiss, 1955, op. cit.

[xliii] Wilson, 1953, op. cit.

[xliv] Hauck, J.F., and Lee, A.T.M., 1942: Land subdivision in the New Jersey Pines. Bulletin 701, New Jersey Agricultural Experiment Station, New Brunswick, NJ, 52 pp.

[xlv] Wilson, 1953, op. cit.

[xlvi] Tedrow, J.C.F., 2002: Greensand and Greensand Soils of New Jersey: A Review. E279, Department of Ecology, Evolution and Natural Resources, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ, 39 pp.

[xlvii] Judd, O. (publisher), 1865: A novel enterprise. American Agriculturalist for the Farm, Garden, and Household. 24, 4: 128–129.

[xlviii] Wilson, 1953, op. cit.; and Jones, c.1888, op. cit.

[xlix] Marsh, E., 1979: The southern Pine Barrens: an ethnic archipelago. In Sinton, J.W., (ed.). Natural and Cultural Resources of the New Jersey Pine Barrens: Inputs and Research Needs for Planning. Proceedings and Papers of the First Research Conference on the New Jersey Pine Barrens, Atlantic City, N.J., May 22–23, 1978. Pomona, NJ: Stockton State College. pp. 192–198.

[l] Berger, J., and Sinton, J.W., 1985: Water, Earth, and Fire: Land Use and Environmental Planning in the New Jersey Pine Barrens. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 228 pp; Hufford, M., 1986. One Space, Many Places: Folklife and Land Use in New Jersey’s Pinelands National Reserve. Washington, DC: American Folklife Center, 144 pp; and Moonsammy, R.Z., Cohen, D.S., and Williams, L.E., (eds.), 1987: Pinelands Folklife. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 234 pp.

[li] Cunz, D., 1956: Egg Harbor City: New Germany in New Jersey. Report of the Society of the Germans in Maryland. 29: 9–30; and Eckhardt, G.M., 1973: The History of Folsom, New Jersey: 1845–1976. Bicentennial Edition. Egg Harbor City, NJ: Laureate Press. 121 pp.

[lii] Maxwell, M.W., 1998: U.S. Census Records of Egg Harbor City, New Jersey. The Roundhouse Museum, Egg Harbor City Historical Society, Egg Harbor City, NJ, 14 pp.

[liii] Koster, E.A., 2009: The “European Aeolian Sand Belt”: geoconservation of drift sand landscapes. Geoheritage. 1: 93–110.

[liv] Warner, A.G., 1869: Sketches, Incidents and History: Vineland and the Vinelanders. Vineland, NJ: Crocker Steam Job Printer (reprinted in The Vineland Historical Magazine, 57, 1: 18–71); and Ladd, B.F., 1881: History of Vineland: Its Soil, Products, Industries, and Commercial Interests. Vineland, NJ:  Evening Journal Book and Job Printing Establishment. 84 pp. (reprinted in The Vineland Historical Magazine. 51, 1&2: 1–64.

[lv] Bolognani, B., 1984: A Courageous People from the Dolomites: the Immigrants from Trentino on U.S.A. Trails. 3^rd edition and Patronage of the Autonomous Province of Trent, Italy. Trent, IT: TEMI. 504 pp.

[lvi] Dillingham (Mr.), 1911: Immigrants in Industries (in Twenty-Five Parts), Part 24: Recent Immigrants in Agriculture (in Two Volumes: Vol. I). Document No. 633, Reports of the Immigration Commission, Washington, DC, 580 pp.

[lvii] Wilson, 1953, op. cit.; and Brandes, J., 1971: Immigrants to Freedom: Jewish Communities in Rural New Jersey Since 1882. Philadelphia, PA: The Jewish Publication Society of America. 424 pp.

[lviii] Meyers, A., 1990: Southern New Jersey Synagogues: A Social History Highlighted by Stories of Jewish Life from the 1880’s - 1980’s. Sewell, NJ: Sir Speedy Printers. 338 pp.

[lix] Meyers, 1990, op. cit.; and Eisenberg, E., 1995: Jewish Agricultural Colonies in New Jersey, 1882–1920. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. 218 pp.

[lx] Trustees of Rutgers College in New Jersey, 1952: Lipman Hall: Being an Account of the Proceedings at the Dedication on June 12^th, 1951, at a Building Named in Honor of Jacob Goodale Lipman. New Jersey Agricultural Experiment Station. Binghamton, NY: Vail-Ballou Press, 107 pp.; and Goldhaft, A.D., 1957: The Golden Egg. New York: Horizon Press, 314 pp.

[lxi] Jones, c.1888, op. cit.

[lxii] Wilson, 1953, op. cit.; and Wegner, H.G., 2002: Memories of South Jersey’s great poultry and egg industry. Leaflet from the Vineland Founder’s Day Celebration. 1 pp.

[lxiii] Goldhaft, 1957, op. cit.

[lxiv] Coia, L., 2010: East Coast AVA established. News Archive, Wine Business. http://www.winebusiness.com/news/?go=getArticle&dataid=80970. Accessed March 12, 2014.

[lxv] Demitroff, M., Rogov, V.V., French, H.M., Konishchev, V.N., Streletskiy, D.A., Lebedeva-Verba, M.D., and Alekseeva, V.A., 2007: Possible evidence for episodes of Late-Pleistocene cryogenic weathering, southern New Jersey, eastern USA. In Russian Academy of Sciences. Proceedings, Vol II: Cryogenic Resources of Polar Regions, Salekhard City, Polar Cycle, West Siberia, June 2007. pp. 139–141.  Also French, H.M., Demitroff, M., Streletskiy, D., Forman, S.L., Gozdzik, J., Konishchev, V.N., Rogov, V.V., and Lebedeva-Verba, M.P., 2009: Evidence for Late-Pleistocene permafrost in the Pine Barrens, southern New Jersey. Earth’s Cryosphere. 2009, 3: 17–28 (in Russian) .

[lxvi] Fiorelli, P.R., 1977: Dandelion Recipe Book: Vineland is the Dandelion Capital of the World. Vineland, NJ: The Mayor’s Special Events Office, 10 pp; and Fiorelli, P.R., 1979: Vineland, New Jersey’s World Famous Eggplant Recipe Book. Vineland, NJ: The Mayor’s Special Events Office. 14 pp.

[lxvii] Mason, R.J., 1992: Contested Lands: Conflict and Compromise in New Jersey’s Pine Barrens. Conflicts in Urban and Regional Development series, volume 6. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. 257 pp.